SC status to Pasmanda Muslims and Dalit Christians and existing Scheduled Caste.

Before I start giving my opinion on the issue of reservations for Pasmanda Muslims and Dalit Christians, I want to recall a Lok Sabha debate where MP and leader of the AIMIM party, Asaduddin Owaisi, was advocating for a law similar to the SC/ST Prevention Act of 1989 for the Muslim community in India. According to him, every day Muslims in India have to listen to statements like "They are Pakistani" or "They are traitors," and this is not false at all. I have seen people saying similar things to my Christian friends, accusing them of being "agents of America" in India. These communities also deserve a respectful life in this democratic nation. I have full solidarity with the government in enacting any law that promotes their social dignity. I am aware that there is a significant socio-economic gap between Ashraf Muslims and Pasmanda Muslims. There should be a solution for them too, but obviously not at the cost of us (SC/ST).

The concept of "Pasmanda" among Muslims, which is now a familiar term in national politics, has historically emerged from Bihar. In Uttar Pradesh, such Muslims are categorized as "Arzal." However, it is challenging to clearly identify "lower-caste" Muslims (similar to Dalits among Hindus), although they exist across India. Although Prime Minister Narendra Modi made an emphatic announcement about Pasmanda Muslims in August 2022 and his government constituted a committee to examine the extension of Scheduled Caste reservations to them, the Union government's submissions to the Supreme Court took a contrary position, stating that Scheduled Caste Muslims (and Christians) cannot be granted reservations (The Wire, Jan 2023).

The term "Scheduled Castes" itself first appeared in the Government of India Act, 1935, and to implement it, the Government of India (Scheduled Castes) Order of 1936 was passed. Section 2 of this Order granted the power to specify who should be treated as SC. Section 3(a) of the same Order stated that "no Indian Christian shall be deemed to be a member of a scheduled caste," and section 3(b) provided that "in Bengal, no person who professes Buddhism or a tribal religion shall be deemed to be a member of any scheduled caste."

It has been argued that the SC status was initially meant only for those who professed Hinduism. However, in 1956, the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order of 1950 was amended to include Sikhs, and in 1990, Buddhists were included as well (Alam, 2010; Ali, 2012; Hasan, 2009; NCRLM, 2007).

Here, I would like to give an example from Assam. When the British started propagating Christianity in Assam, the first Assamese person to convert to Christianity was Nidhi Libai Faruwal (নিধি লিবাই ফাৰোৱাল). He belonged to the "Kaibarta" ( Scheduled Caste) community of Assam (internationally acclaimed artist Dr. Bhupen Hazarika and athlete Hima Das also belong to the Kaibarta community of Assam). He converted to Christianity in 1841 under the guidance of Dr. Bonson, and in 1847, he married an Ahom girl named Aabbi Thukuk in a Christian ceremony. After her death, he married Elaija Nosimoni Ward in 1853. He was appointed to assist the top British missionaries because he was familiar with the local languages. After converting, he gained access to modern English education, and at that time, he wrote in English and translated books from English to Assamese. He regularly contributed to the "Arunudoy" newspaper (the first Assamese newspaper in Assam run by British missionaries). The legacy of modern Assamese poetry was started by him. His Christian religious songs are still famous among the Assamese Christian population of Assam.

When oppression happens against Muslims and Christians in India, the Indian head of government or representative has to respond on the international stage. We have seen this before, and a recent example is the incident at the White House. They have this privilege of international solidarity.

Apart from reservations in government jobs and educational institutes, SC/ST communities have political reservations. If the government grants SC status to Pasmanda Muslims and Dalit Christians, it will be a socio-economic-political disaster for the existing Scheduled Caste community. Instead, the government should consider a separate reservation policy for them, similar to the Economically Weaker Section (EWS).

The next part will come soon. The author is a former postgraduate student at Centre for Women's Studies, University of Hyderabad. 

Rupam Hazarika, rupam.hcu98@gmail.com .